Friday, July 18, 2008
Sanctions split Zanu PF...
author/source:Financial Gazette (Zimb)
published:Thu 17-Jul-2008
Clemence Manyukwe, Senior Political Reporter
A United Nations sanctions list forming part of a draft resolution on Zimbabwe, which was vetoed during the world body’s Security Council meeting in Japan last week, has sparked conflict within Zanu PF because of the omission of key members of one of the party’s factions, The Financial Gazette can exclusively reveal. The draft resolution that was vetoed by Zimbabwe’s allies - China and Russia - featured a sanctions list that includes President Robert Mugabe, his spokesperson George Charamba, Rural Housing Minister Emmerson Mnangagwa, Justice Minister Patrick Chinamasa, Labour Minister Nicholas Goche, Agriculture Mechanisation Minister Joseph Made, Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe Governor Gideon Gono and State Security Minister Didymus Mutasa, among others, leaving out other key individuals in the Politburo, Presidium and Cabinet. Interestingly, the draft targeted Zanu PF officials and technocrats linked to a faction headed by Mnangagwa and omits those aligned to retired army general Solomon Mujuru’s camp.
Zanu PF insiders this week said there were strong suspicions within the party that the exclusion from the list of influential members such as Vice President Joice Mujuru, wife of retired army general Solomon Mujuru, Vice President Joseph Msika as well as army general Phillip Valerio Sibanda was a “sly attempt by Western powers to influence the party’s internal dynamics and incite further divisions”. Some of the faction’s members now stand accused of working hand in hand with Western countries and passing information on to them. Worse still, it is suggested the anomaly will give the excluded faction a chance to regain lost ground and eclipse the faction led by Mnangagwa that was at the forefront of President Mugabe’s re-election. “The exclusion of high-ranking Zanu PF cadres immediately draws suspicions that the United States and Britain are clandestinely working with some members in the ruling party to effect regime change within the party. There are examples of this - the Makoni project,” said a ruling party source.
“There is a view that the Western countries are hoping to set an example that if you distance yourself from (President) Mugabe you stand a chance of acceptability. That faction is bound to feel grateful for their exclusion and continue to pursue a regime change agenda from Zanu PF.” Former finance minister Simba Makoni was expelled from the party this year after challenging President Mugabe in the March 29 poll, in which he came third. Makoni was later joined by another politburo member, Dumiso Dabengwa. Retired general Mujuru was said to have been backing Makoni but President Mugabe told the state media in the run up to the first round of voting that the former army commander had distanced himself from Makoni, a former member of the politburo. Mujuru has never commented publicly over the claims. Asked for a comment on the sanctions issue, a US embassy spokesperson said: “The US is continually reviewing its list of sanctioned individuals. Because of privacy laws we cannot comment on who is and who is not on our sanctions list.”
It is also suspected within Zanu PF that those pushing for tougher sanctions are being fed with information by the Movement for Democratic Change and a faction within Zanu PF bent on destroying those whose stars were rising. A source yesterday told The Financial Gazette that because of the exclusion from the list of people from the Mujuru camp, the sanctions controversy had all but settled the succession question in President Mugabe’s eyes. “According to President Mugabe, inclusion on the sanctions list is a badge of honour. It distinguishes one as a true revolutionary fighting against imperialism. The sanctions issue has all but settled the succession issue,” a source said. “There is a good reason for that. The President will want a successor who will be protective of him rather than one who will be eager to please those who wish to deal with him on the international stage.” These sentiments have gained currency in the wake of reports in the international media.
This week a spokesperson for British Prime Minister Gordon Brown was quoted saying London would seek to add 36 individuals linked to President Mugabe and two state-owned companies, to the blacklist. British Foreign secretary David Miliband could not confirm that more individuals would be blacklisted, saying: “There are lists circulating,” which inevitably sparked more suspicions within Zanu PF. “Who is compiling the list? One would have understood it if they had put the entire Cabinet, Presidium or Politburo on the sanctions list. But how does one explain the fact that the list includes only those purportedly linked to the Mnangagwa faction. An attempt to cause confusion within the defence forces was also made by leaving out Phillip Valerio Sibanda,” said a source. Sibanda is the Commander of the Zimbabwe National Army. His colleagues, Paradzai Zimondi, Commissioner of Prisons; Constantine Chiwenga, Commander of the Zimbabwe Defence Forces; Perence Shiri, Commander of the Air Force of Zimbabwe; Happyton Bonyo-ngwe, Director General of the Central Intelligence Organisation and Augustine Chihuri, Commissioner General of the Zimbabwe Republic Police, were among the 13 officials targeted for more punitive sanctions. The list omits Home Affairs Minister, Kembo Mohadi.
“In a way, it is an attempt to get them out of the race,” said a Zanu PF source. “The thinking is basically that if it took the ANC (African National Congress) and Nelson Mandela 18 years to be removed from the blacklist as terrorists then those who would have been targeted by the UN this time would technically be excluded from the succession race and from being considered for any future appointments since they would be more like wanted persons,” said this paper’s sources. They said an element of duplicity in the application of sanctions against President Mugabe’s associates was quite evident when the children of some Zanu PF and government officials were deported from Australia while the offspring of other party officials were allowed to stay. Mutasa, who doubles up as the Zanu PF secretary for administration, first admitted that factions existed within the party last year, but said they had “closed ranks”, following President Mugabe’s decision to stand in the March 29 elections. Revelations by Makoni that the veteran politician’s endorsement at the party’s special congress in Harare in December last year did not enjoy the support of some Zanu PF members destroyed the veneer of unity the party’s leadership had presented to the public.
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published:Thu 17-Jul-2008
Clemence Manyukwe, Senior Political Reporter
A United Nations sanctions list forming part of a draft resolution on Zimbabwe, which was vetoed during the world body’s Security Council meeting in Japan last week, has sparked conflict within Zanu PF because of the omission of key members of one of the party’s factions, The Financial Gazette can exclusively reveal. The draft resolution that was vetoed by Zimbabwe’s allies - China and Russia - featured a sanctions list that includes President Robert Mugabe, his spokesperson George Charamba, Rural Housing Minister Emmerson Mnangagwa, Justice Minister Patrick Chinamasa, Labour Minister Nicholas Goche, Agriculture Mechanisation Minister Joseph Made, Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe Governor Gideon Gono and State Security Minister Didymus Mutasa, among others, leaving out other key individuals in the Politburo, Presidium and Cabinet. Interestingly, the draft targeted Zanu PF officials and technocrats linked to a faction headed by Mnangagwa and omits those aligned to retired army general Solomon Mujuru’s camp.
Zanu PF insiders this week said there were strong suspicions within the party that the exclusion from the list of influential members such as Vice President Joice Mujuru, wife of retired army general Solomon Mujuru, Vice President Joseph Msika as well as army general Phillip Valerio Sibanda was a “sly attempt by Western powers to influence the party’s internal dynamics and incite further divisions”. Some of the faction’s members now stand accused of working hand in hand with Western countries and passing information on to them. Worse still, it is suggested the anomaly will give the excluded faction a chance to regain lost ground and eclipse the faction led by Mnangagwa that was at the forefront of President Mugabe’s re-election. “The exclusion of high-ranking Zanu PF cadres immediately draws suspicions that the United States and Britain are clandestinely working with some members in the ruling party to effect regime change within the party. There are examples of this - the Makoni project,” said a ruling party source.
“There is a view that the Western countries are hoping to set an example that if you distance yourself from (President) Mugabe you stand a chance of acceptability. That faction is bound to feel grateful for their exclusion and continue to pursue a regime change agenda from Zanu PF.” Former finance minister Simba Makoni was expelled from the party this year after challenging President Mugabe in the March 29 poll, in which he came third. Makoni was later joined by another politburo member, Dumiso Dabengwa. Retired general Mujuru was said to have been backing Makoni but President Mugabe told the state media in the run up to the first round of voting that the former army commander had distanced himself from Makoni, a former member of the politburo. Mujuru has never commented publicly over the claims. Asked for a comment on the sanctions issue, a US embassy spokesperson said: “The US is continually reviewing its list of sanctioned individuals. Because of privacy laws we cannot comment on who is and who is not on our sanctions list.”
It is also suspected within Zanu PF that those pushing for tougher sanctions are being fed with information by the Movement for Democratic Change and a faction within Zanu PF bent on destroying those whose stars were rising. A source yesterday told The Financial Gazette that because of the exclusion from the list of people from the Mujuru camp, the sanctions controversy had all but settled the succession question in President Mugabe’s eyes. “According to President Mugabe, inclusion on the sanctions list is a badge of honour. It distinguishes one as a true revolutionary fighting against imperialism. The sanctions issue has all but settled the succession issue,” a source said. “There is a good reason for that. The President will want a successor who will be protective of him rather than one who will be eager to please those who wish to deal with him on the international stage.” These sentiments have gained currency in the wake of reports in the international media.
This week a spokesperson for British Prime Minister Gordon Brown was quoted saying London would seek to add 36 individuals linked to President Mugabe and two state-owned companies, to the blacklist. British Foreign secretary David Miliband could not confirm that more individuals would be blacklisted, saying: “There are lists circulating,” which inevitably sparked more suspicions within Zanu PF. “Who is compiling the list? One would have understood it if they had put the entire Cabinet, Presidium or Politburo on the sanctions list. But how does one explain the fact that the list includes only those purportedly linked to the Mnangagwa faction. An attempt to cause confusion within the defence forces was also made by leaving out Phillip Valerio Sibanda,” said a source. Sibanda is the Commander of the Zimbabwe National Army. His colleagues, Paradzai Zimondi, Commissioner of Prisons; Constantine Chiwenga, Commander of the Zimbabwe Defence Forces; Perence Shiri, Commander of the Air Force of Zimbabwe; Happyton Bonyo-ngwe, Director General of the Central Intelligence Organisation and Augustine Chihuri, Commissioner General of the Zimbabwe Republic Police, were among the 13 officials targeted for more punitive sanctions. The list omits Home Affairs Minister, Kembo Mohadi.
“In a way, it is an attempt to get them out of the race,” said a Zanu PF source. “The thinking is basically that if it took the ANC (African National Congress) and Nelson Mandela 18 years to be removed from the blacklist as terrorists then those who would have been targeted by the UN this time would technically be excluded from the succession race and from being considered for any future appointments since they would be more like wanted persons,” said this paper’s sources. They said an element of duplicity in the application of sanctions against President Mugabe’s associates was quite evident when the children of some Zanu PF and government officials were deported from Australia while the offspring of other party officials were allowed to stay. Mutasa, who doubles up as the Zanu PF secretary for administration, first admitted that factions existed within the party last year, but said they had “closed ranks”, following President Mugabe’s decision to stand in the March 29 elections. Revelations by Makoni that the veteran politician’s endorsement at the party’s special congress in Harare in December last year did not enjoy the support of some Zanu PF members destroyed the veneer of unity the party’s leadership had presented to the public.
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